Statement of Senator Rick Santorum to Senate Foreign Relations Committee

Senator Santorum's Office:

Committee on Foreign Relations
United States Senate
Hearing: “A Nuclear Iran: Challenges and Responses”
March 2, 2006

Chairman Lugar, Ranking Member Biden and members of the committee, I appreciate your willingness to hold this hearing on recent developments in Iran, and I commend you for your efforts to highlight the many problems we are facing with the agenda of the Government of Iran. I also want to commend you on selecting a panel of outside experts who will add to the understanding of events transpiring in Iran and the ways that the international community can respond to these trends.

Let me begin by reminding the members of this committee of the Iranian government's dreadful track record. From its inception, the Islamic Republic of Iran has supported acts of terror inflicted upon innocent persons, and has systematically thwarted efforts to achieve peaceful relations among Middle Eastern countries. Iran has long headed the "State Sponsor of Terrorism" reports issued by the U.S. Department of State. Iran's support for terrorism is known all too well by Americans.

Iran created Hezbollah, the terrorist gang behind the 1983 suicide terrorist attacks against U.S. military and civilian personnel in Lebanon, and actively supports HAMAS, the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command, all murderous organizations with long histories of committing heinous acts against the civilized world. Iran, in cahoots with al Qaeda, has been implicated in the 1996 attack on U.S. military personnel at Khobar Towers in Saudi Arabia. These groups kill civilians and work against the national security interests of the United States and our allies. Iran's reach into Iraq is also profoundly disturbing. Iran's connection to the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI) and the organization's Badr Brigades means that Iran is able to manipulate Iraq's police and military forces.

Iran's human rights violations are no less chilling. As described in the recent publication, “Supporting Human Rights and Democracy: The U.S. Record 2004-2005,” the Department of State reported that, in Iran, "Summary executions, disappearances, extremist vigilantism, widespread use of torture and other degrading treatment remained a problem." It then noted, "The Government continued to discriminate against and harass the Baha'i community and other religious and ethnic minority groups, including Jews, Christians and Sunni and Sufi Muslims." Finally, this report stated, "The government continued to severely restrict worker rights, including freedom of association and the right to bargain collectively." In short, the Government of Iran oppresses its people and deprives them of the liberties enjoyed by citizens of western democracies.

Iran’s nuclear aspirations are perhaps the most unsettling of all. While Iran is permitted to pursue peaceful nuclear research under the terms of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), its record, including systematic deception over nearly two decades, leaves little doubt about the mullahs’ real intentions. In November 2003, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) reported that Iran had been developing an undeclared nuclear enrichment program for 18 years and had covertly imported nuclear material and equipment. Furthermore, the IAEA reported that Iran had conducted over 110 unreported experiments to produce uranium metal and separated plutonium, and had possession of designs that clearly related to the fabrication of nuclear weapons components. In August 2005, following the election of the religious fanatic Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as Iran's President, Iran announced that the ongoing negotiations under the terms of the 2004 Paris Agreement brokered by the EU-3 were "unsatisfactory." Iran then announced it was resuming the conversion of raw uranium into gas for enrichment, and, in January 2006, the Iranians removed the IAEA seals on its enrichment plant in Natanz, a facility aided by the pariah scientist Dr. A. Q. Khan of Pakistan.

The recent 27-3 vote of the IAEA Board to report Iran to the United Nations Security Council and the Board's admonishment that Iran's many failures and breaches of its obligations to comply with the NPT and the absence of confidence that Iran's nuclear program is exclusively for peaceful purposes resulting from the history of concealment, should serve as a wake-up call for the world that Iran's nuclear ambitions cannot be ignored any longer. Iran's aggressive behavior and its concealment of ongoing nuclear activities can only mean that the Government of Iran seeks to enrich uranium for use in nuclear weapons.

Unlike the junior Senator from New York, I believe that the EU-3 negotiations were beneficial in that they demonstrated to the world--with the exception of Syria, Cuba and Venezuela--that Iran's nuclear aspirations are not limited to peaceful nuclear research. These negotiations also set the stage for a successful reporting of Iran to the United Nations Security Council.

Although it is not clear that China, Russia and other members of the Security Council will support sanctions against Iran, nonetheless smart sanctions should be discussed and debated by the Security Council. We do not want to punish the people of Iran, who seek democracy, but rather the oppressive and murderous regime in Tehran.

The Security Council therefore should consider:

1) a travel ban on Iran's leaders;

2) a ban on international flights by Iran Air;

3) a ban on receiving cargo carried on Iranian government-owned ships; and

4) aggressive action to see that government leaders in Iran responsible for human rights abuses and executions are brought to trial.

I have recently heard two very bothersome claims about Iran. The first was a television news anchor who stated, I am paraphrasing, "The pro-democracy movement in Iran is like the anti-Vietnam War movement was in the U.S. in the 1960s and 1970s--a mile wide and an inch deep." The other observation was made by a senior U.S. Senator who concluded, again paraphrasing, "There are no good options with regard to Iran."

I believe both are wrong. The pro-democracy movement is anything but feeble. The regime’s own public opinion polls prove that the overwhelming majority of Iranians detest the regime, and want it changed. And many of our colleagues have worked hard to propose good options for dealing with the Iranian threat. Along with 44 cosponsors, I have introduced S. 333, the Iran Freedom and Support Act. It calls for vigorous support for peaceful change in Iran. The Iran Freedom and Support Act has been referred to this committee for further review and consideration. I urge you to report the legislation to the full Senate for debate and consideration. READ MORE

This legislation seeks to make it harder for the Government of Iran to have access to revenue and foreign investment--resources it can use to support terrorist organizations or pursue nuclear activities. The bill also codifies sanctions, controls and regulations currently in place against Iran. The bill declares--as we surely should declare--that it should be the policy of the United States to support efforts by the Iranian people to exercise self-determination over their own form of government. Finally, the bill authorizes $10 million in assistance for pro-democracy efforts.

This bill is a modest step forward in supporting those pro-democracy forces in Iran that seek greater freedom and a better life for the Iranian people. Given the Administration's recent commitment to provide $75 million to pro-democracy efforts within Iran, I intend to increase the level of funding authorized by my bill to $100 million.

Some have asked whether the legislation would make a difference in Iran. I answer: look at the demographics. A majority Iranians were born after the Islamic Revolution of 1979. These young men and women have grown up under brutal and oppressive conditions, which they hate. These are the people to whom the U.S. must appeal and support. These are the people who listen to western media broadcasts for news, question authority, seek greater individual freedoms, and are savvy towards new technologies of communication. Time and time again, I hear that the youth of Iran looks to the U.S. and actively seeks to enjoy the freedoms of the West. The funds authorized by my bill would go towards supporting these and other elements within Iran that are dedicated to democratic values, respect for human rights and the rights of women.

This public policy declaration and U.S. assistance, combined with the codification of sanctions, means that Iran's shaky economy could be exploited to advance the cause of freedom. Abbas Milani of the Hoover Institution notes that private sector investments have stopped, private banking is in a severe crisis, and the government has been lowering interest rates. Further, an estimated $200 billion in financial capital has left the country recently. Millions of Iran's people are impoverished or unemployed, and they need to know that we will help them.

Others note some of the regime’s surprising vulnerabilities. Despite its massive oil reserves, Iran has little capacity to produce gasoline and jet fuel, two refined petroleum products. Iran also lacks the ability to develop and exploit its vast natural gas reserves. The international community needs to leverage these and other weaknesses to dissuade Iran's leaders from pursuing nuclear weapons.

Together with smart sanctions such as freezing the assets and confiscating the properties of the regime’s leaders, an overt policy declaration by the Congress that supports the pro-democracy movement in Iran will encourage the forces of change within Iran. Another targeted sanction, suggested by Milani, would entail freezing the foreign assets of Iran's revolutionary foundations, through which the government's elites export their ill-gotten gains, and control business empires.

Finally, I want to emphasize that the Iran Freedom and Support Act is a non-violent way to affect change within Iran. Some have called for leaving all options--including military attack--on the table, but surely it is wise to support the people of Iran and provide financial assistance to pro-democracy groups inside and outside the country before we begin discussions on a military solution that is fraught with danger and unpredictable consequences for the entire region. I am encouraged to see that the Administration has also made this a priority with the recent announcement to seek $75 million in supplemental funding for fiscal year 2006.

Mr. Chairman and members of this committee, thank you for permitting me to testify at this hearing. I hope that the committee will give strong consideration to S. 333 and that it will report this legislation to the full Senate for debate.