Regime-run Kayhan newspaper demands transit for drug shipment from Iran into Europe

Iran Press News: translation by Banafsheh Zand-Bonazzi.

Keyhan, the mouthpiece newspaper belonging to Fuehrer Mullah Khamnei, in an article entitled “THEY OWE US”, written by an unknown individual with the pen name "Nasser Bahrami-Rod" suggested that in order to deflect the high cost of combating drugs in Iran a transit route for the shipment of drugs to Europe and America should be opened up. According to Advaar News, the news source from the office of fostering unity, a part of this note claims: "there is no reason why a large part of the human and financial continued cost of our country could not consistently be spent on a battle whose price is being paid by ‘Iran’ and whose profits are being gleaned in the western world. If the noncompliance of westerners and the international organizations under their control continues, there are other ways to deal with the situation; for example a corridor can be opened inside the least populated parts of Iran, that can be entirely controlled by of the convoys carrying the drugs, guaranteeing them safe passage and their cargo can then, ultimately go wherever it needs to go. READ MORE

As such the price of confronting the ‘tradesmen of death’, treatment of addiction as well as economic and social costs in Iran can, for obvious reasons, such as lesser overflow and the skyrocketing price of drugs, be reduced. Not only that but the countenance of the European and American youths will become pathetic [from the force of addiction]. It is important to pay attention to an item that was printed approximately two months ago that specified that over a ten day period, the new drug FENTANYL, killed 48 people in Detroit. Westerners owe us…much more than 500 million dollars.”

* Editor’s note: The Islamist regime has responded by cracking down on students on several occasions in order to defuse the most imminent threats of rebellion. It has also devised a more sinister and long-term plan for the containment of Iranian youth: a systematic and massive induction to drug addiction, which has now reached colossal proportions. Several United Nations and DEA reports have documented this crisis, indicating that drug addiction is the thorniest problem in Iran. To give an idea of the magnitude of this matter, Afghanistan produced around 6,000 tons of opium in 2003—approximately half of which has been acquired by Iran. After the Afghani government announced it would crack down on opium production, the Iranian government decided, after an open debate reported by several regime-run agencies such as IRNA, to start producing opium on Iranian soil to satisfy the internal (and induced) demand.

The use of drugs has traditionally been tolerated within Iranian society, particularly the consumption of hashish and opium by middle-aged and older men, the same way Western societies have been more permissive of alcohol. Today, however, drug use is no longer an “old people's bad habit.” The average addiction age is falling rapidly; a few years ago, the addiction age fell to the age group of 25-29. Today the age group of 10-19 is the most afflicted by drug addiction in Iran.

Sociologically, a strict correlation has been established between lack of jobs and drug consumption in all societies. As far as Iran is concerned, the situation is exacerbated by not only rampant unemployment, but also by a general apathy and lack of confidence in the future. Iranian youth doesn’t see the light at the end of the emotional tunnel in which the country has subsisted since the theocracy was established almost 28 years ago. The official unemployment rate is 14 percent, but Western analysts estimate the real number to now be at approximately 40%. Although youth unemployment easily exceeds 50 percent, this statistic disregards the reality of the other 50 percent, who are usually under-employed. The quality of Iranian education is high, comparable to Western countries. Thus, the despair of highly skilled young graduates forced to accept menial jobs in small shops is reflected more in the drug addiction rates rather than the employment statistics.

Buying heroin and opium is easier than buying bread or milk, for which Iranians have to endure long lines. Official government rhetoric blames the nefarious influence of Western culture and the Internet for the increase in drug consumption. In reality, the government does nothing to fight the problem. On the contrary, in the best case it turns a blind eye to the illicit drug traffic that brings even more money to the pockets of the powerful mullahs in charge. And in the worst case it favors the increase of drug addiction, even revoking the subsidies given to people for detoxification. Thirty pills of Naltroxone, a substance commonly used in Iran during the first days of the rehabilitation program, cost a little more than 20,000 tomans (25 U.S. dollars). Previously, that cost was covered by governmental subsidies; but ever since Parliament canceled the program, detoxification has become too expensive for Iran’s unemployed young people.

Promoting opium as a way to control potentially hostile masses has been done successfully in the past. A classic example is the British policy—adopted during the 19th century—of buying the ashes of opium from Chinese and Indian subjects in order to drive them into addiction and curb their rebellious instincts. Great Britain even went to war against China twice (the so called Opium Wars of 1839 and 1856) to force the Qing Emperor to legalize the import of opium.

All that said, the Supreme Leader of the Islamic regime, Ayatollah Khamnei’s estimated 50-year-long Opium addiction has been an open secret in Iran and among Iranians of all socio-political strata.

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