The Politics of Honor in the Middle East

Gerald Steinberg, The Jerusalem Post:

In a recent column on Iran's attempts to acquire nuclear weapons, Rami Khouri advised the US government and the International Atomic Energy Agency to avoid insulting Iran or impinging on its honor. Khouri, editor-at-large of the Beirut-based Daily Star and a respected Arab analyst, makes many to references to honor, particularly in discussing Palestinian-Israeli relations. And this is not exceptional, as honor is one of the most repeated themes in politics and human relations.

But it is also very problematic. In the case of Iran, for example, after the shadow government under the control of the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei climbed far out on a limb by building and then operating illicit uranium enrichment plants, we are told that the response must avoid insulting Iranian honor. Similarly, the apologists for Yasser Arafat's failure to discuss any compromise proposals at the Camp David summit in July 2000 are still trying to sell the claim that this was due to perceived insults on the part of Ehud Barak and Bill Clinton.

In many cases, "honor" is also a one-way street. READ MORE

Iran's dignity must be protected, but there is no parallel concern regarding the stream of Iranian insults directed at "the Great Satan" or "the Little Satan" (Israel). And there are no references to honor when missiles are paraded through the streets of Teheran with placards declaring "Wipe Israel off the Map." In the same vein, while Israelis are often chastised for alleged insults to Arab dignity, there is no international outcry when Israeli and American flags are burned in the public squares of Arab cities.

This double standard, which gives selective license for insults and threats, and protection from penalties for violating commitments and treaties, is often excused in terms of cultural differences. According to the dominant diplomatic and academic theories, Eastern cultures are more sensitive to issues of status and dignity than those in the West. Therefore, we are told, US, European and Israeli negotiators (in this sense, Israel is part of the West) must be particularly careful to avoid any words or actions that might be seen as demeaning, but must themselves be immune to such concerns.

Arabs and Muslims are often seen as obsessed by honor. Young women murdered by family members are considered to be victims of "honor killings," and legal proceedings, including punishment, are very lenient. In this and many other areas, the sanctity of culture often excuses behavior that, in other circumstances, would be condemned as unacceptable.

THIS RATIONALE based on the theory of cultural differences is often exaggerated. Honor is also very important in the West, where personal, family, ethnic and national affronts are taken seriously, often leading to revenge.

In the US road rage, which begins with a perceived insult or challenge on the highway, often ends in violent confrontation. During the height of the Cold War, Nikita Khrushchev's threat to "bury" the West created a great deal of anger and consternation. And the Soviet success in launching the first satellite into space was more of an insult and challenge than a strategic threat, spurring the decade-long American program to beat the Russians to the moon.

In other words, Arab and Eastern cultures do not have a monopoly on dignity or other cultural sensitivities.

Instead, "culture" can often be a source of manipulation. The relative acceptance of Arab honor killings reflects the low status of women and male dominance in these societies. In these cases, personal codes of honor are substitutes for a functioning legal system based on equality and justice.

Similarly, in international politics factors such as national honor and dignity gain exaggerated importance in the absence of a functioning and equitable legal system. Honor provides a convenient cover for pursuing policies that would otherwise lead to sanctions, or even military responses.

While nations and leaders - Eastern and Western - choose policies that seek to enhance their collective and personal interests, the use of honor to deflect opposition and avoid the consequences is more readily accepted in the case of Arab, Muslim and other Eastern cultures.

This is not to deny the importance of cultural factors in politics and negotiations or to denigrate the need for sensitivities. However, cultural factors, including honor and dignity, apply in all directions - they are not limited to Arab, Muslim or Eastern societies.

In the case of Iran the threat to stability comes from the pursuit of nuclear weapons by a government that supports terror and the elimination of Israel, and not from exaggerated concerns about honor. By focusing on interests, security and policies rather than cultural claims based on a double standard of behavior, it is still possible to prevent Iran's leaders from crossing the nuclear threshold.

The writer directs the Program on Conflict Management at Bar-Ilan University and is the editor of www.ngo-monitor.org.