Kill Them, There is no Need for a Trial

Hossein Bastani, Rooz Online:

The views of ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi and his disciples about a republic were the focus of news reports last week. His views gained attention because he is the principal theoretician of the ideology that took over the presidency of Iran in June 2005.

I do not wish to critique the philosophical views of the ayatollah in this article. What I would like to do instead is present his “application” of his views which form the foundations of the policies of the movement that he belongs to. READ MORE

His views on the negation of the republic were reviewed and critiqued last week in the Iranian press. Of the tens statements that he has made on the subject, I will mention only two, relating to the principle of voting as a democratic necessity. The first one is a lecture he delivered at the Moasese Amuzeshi Pajooheshie Imam Khomeini (Khoemini Research Institute) on his views on elections. “The validity of a presidential election is based on the agreement of the Vali Faghih [i.e. the religious leader of the time]. People propose and say ‘this is who we want’, but it is the Faghih [leader] who accepts or rejects” (see Parto-e Sokhan of 20 Mehr, 1384). The second one is his view on “majority” where he expressly says “who are the majority? A bunch of rogues who drink alcohol, and get money to go and vote. Should anything they say become the law of the land? And rule Islam? (see Aftab-e Yazd of 14 Aban 1381).

Another important concept of Yazdi is force. In this regard he says that during former president Mohammad Khatami’s period dissidents expressed their views openly which were no different than those of Kasravi [an Iranian writer who presented a different interpretation of Islam and was assassinated by the Fadayane Islam because they claimed he had insulted Islam]. He even threatened certain clerics and Seyed [who are said to be descendants of Islam’s Prophet], which is no other than president Khatami himself. “Just because a name is preceded by the title Seyed does not mean he is immune. Kasravi too was a Seyed and a cleric whose death was ruled necessary by other high clerics and his wife was declared to be a sin for him.” In the same speech Yazdi mentioned Hashem Aghajari, the dissident university history professor and a disabled war veteran belonging to Mojaheddin Engelab-e Islami group who was sentenced to death for apostasy in 2002, and said “he is worse than the murders of Imam Hussain. He called on the people to settle their issues with these individuals (see Parto-e Sokhan of 6 Mehr, 1379).

Six years ago Mesbah openly issued a Fatwa that, “an insulter to Islam must be killed and there is no need for a trial” (see the Friday mass prayer sermon of 11 Shahrivar of 1378). Since then, attempts have been made to implement his dictum. For example, during the serial trial of officials of the Ministry of Intelligence, one of the 5 accused said in Kerman, “We decided to do this based on a discussion we had with ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi in Qom. According to him, their blood was Halal [i.e. sanctioned by Islam].” Yazdi had warned just the day before the assassination attempt on Saeed Hajarian, an advisor to president Mohammad Khatami that what the press was doing was a hundred times worse than murder, adding that “one day the would be avenged.” “Shiite Muslims must under no circumstances become neighbors with their enemies or eat from the same pale,” he said. He even questioned the meaning of “unity” that had been advocated by other senior leaders of Iran, defining it as such: “whenever there is no commonality between various groups in the country, those that are softer in their views should unite with those that are very hard on theirs. The outcome of the remaining groups is clear. When a religiously rightful government takes over a society, its opponents must leave the country, or if they wish to live in it, then they must accept the government, even if the government has resorted to violence and force” (see Nowruz of 5 Khordad 1380).

Mesbah Yazdi has a record of even condemning conservative officials of the country for their slack in promoting and implementing Islamic laws. For example, regarding banking, he says that “Iran practices the worse kind of usury” (see Parto-e Sokhan of 15 Tir, 1384). Elsewhere, he accuses the more moderate members of the Guardians Council that is responsible for screening election candidates and overseeing elections, of “being asleep.” “Their sleep has led to a bunch of satans getting into the sixth Majlis” (Iran’s Parliament) (see ISNA student news agency of 18 Bahman, 1382). He is even against polling done on conservative candidates to identify their social positions. “During the election period, the doctrinaire polled themselves to see which among them would have the most votes so that the rest would support him. This is not what being doctrinaire is all about.”

When the court death sentence of Aghajari was initially annulled, Yazdi strongly attacked the judiciary and said, “If for whatever reason the death sentence of an infidel is not carried out, there will be tens more of them. But if one is punished, others will not dare raise such issues” (see Parto-e Sokhan of 18 Azar, 1381). In this regard he even accuses Iranian officials of having been bought by American spies for $500 million. (see Tehran’s newspapers of 17 Khordad, 1382).

No matter what the views of the ayatollah are, his students now rule Iran. And while he believes that Islamicising Iran is not yet over, he warns his followers that they should not think that just because a doctrinaire president has come to power no work is left for them. The ayatollah certainly has very loyal followers. In a seminar organized by his supporters and students last year (30 Azar 1384) they warned their opponents that they had “a duty to deal with any body in any capacity who criticized this leading Islamic personality” [i.e. Mesbah Yazdi].

I leave the reader to make up his own judgement about the direction this country is taking through the students of Mesbah Yazdi who have taken over the reigns of power.

Hossein Bastani is a former secretary general of Iran’s Association of Journalists who now lives in exile.